El-Rufai and the Politics of Shifting Loyalties, by Kabir Akintayo
“Nasir El-Rufai is only loyal to Nasir El-Rufai.”
The remark above, taken from former president Olusegun Obasanjo’s memoir “My Watch” (Volume 2), fittingly captures the essence of El-Rufai’s political journey. In Obasanjo’s view, his former protégé’s style was defined by disloyalty and inconsistency.
Few politicians in Nigeria stir as much controversy as the former governor of Kaduna State. From his early attacks on Muhammadu Buhari to his more recent criticisms of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, El-Rufai has carved a reputation for blunt speech, sharp contradictions, and an ever-shifting political loyalty. Since his defection from the All Progressives Congress (APC), the party he co-founded, he has become a thorn in the side of the current administration.
A closer look at his words against his record reveals a familiar pattern: a politician whose critics say is guided less by principle than by convenience.
Two Years Not Enough – A Contradiction in Time
Following the collapse of his ministerial bid and his exit from the APC, El-Rufai wasted no time becoming an open critic of President Tinubu’s government — even when the administration was barely two years old.
Appearing on Channels Television Politics Today in June, he insisted that “Four years is not enough to make meaningful change in government.” He was responding to Seun Okinbaloye’s question on the one-term promises of his allies Peter Obi and Rotimi Amaechi. He argued that reform requires continuity beyond a single term.
The Presidency quickly pointed out the inconsistency, with presidential aide Bayo Onanuga noting that El-Rufai was now leading efforts to unseat Tinubu just two years into office.
From Denial to Desire – Ministerial Double Standards
El-Rufai had long claimed he was done with ministerial work, preferring to rest and write. He even promised to nominate mentees like Hafiz Bayero if offered the role again.
Yet when President Tinubu nominated him, El-Rufai threw himself into preparing for the power sector portfolio, answering technical questions during Senate screening and outlining his reform blueprint. At no point did he repeat his earlier claim of disinterest.
When the Senate rejected him after a damning security report, his narrative shifted. He later told Politics Today that he was “forced” into the nomination — a revision many found disingenuous.
Leaving APC – Principle or Ego?
In March 2025, El-Rufai formally defected to the Social Democratic Party (SDP). Just weeks earlier, he had threatened legal action against those alleging he was planning such a move.
He framed his defection as a principled rejection of APC’s broken promises. Party insiders countered that it was pure ego, born from resentment after his failed ministerial bid in 2023.
Democracy Defender or Hypocrite?
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Soon after joining the SDP, El-Rufai accused the APC of fueling crises within opposition parties like the NNPP to weaken democracy. This stance sharply contradicted his time as an APC insider, when he dismissed similar claims as baseless.
The NNPP swiftly rejected his remarks and demanded a retraction. Critics saw it as another case of El-Rufai rebranding himself as a populist once outside power.
Pot Calling the Kettle Black on LG Funds
El-Rufai accused his successor, Governor Uba Sani, of diverting local government funds into foreign property deals.
But ALGON quickly reminded Nigerians that El-Rufai himself had deducted LG allocations during his eight years as governor. For many, this was a textbook case of the pot calling the kettle black.
From Harsh Critic to Atiku’s Admirer
In July 2025, El-Rufai shocked Nigerians by praising former Vice President Atiku Abubakar as “a leader who has contributed immensely to Nigeria’s democracy.”
This was a stunning reversal for a man who once branded Atiku a liar and corrupt opportunist. The Northern Conscience Movement dismissed the praise as opportunism, accusing him of desperate reinvention.
Buhari “Perpetually Unelectable” vs. Alliance in 2015
In 2002, El-Rufai declared in a memo that Buhari was “perpetually unelectable” due to his narrow appeal and parochial style. Yet by 2015, he had become one of Buhari’s fiercest defenders and campaign strategists.
Attacks on Jonathan vs. Service Under Him
After Yar’Adua’s death in 2010, El-Rufai defended Jonathan’s legitimacy as president. But within two years, he was one of Jonathan’s most scathing critics, branding his government corrupt and rudderless.
Anti-Godfatherism vs. Tinubu Alliance
He once mocked Tinubu’s dominance in Lagos politics as dangerous “godfatherism.” Yet inside the APC, El-Rufai courted Tinubu, hailing him in 2019 as a “strategic leader.” When their alliance collapsed in 2023, he reverted to attacking Tinubu’s style of governance.
Defense of Religious Balance vs. Sectarian Rhetoric
In 2011, El-Rufai presented himself as a champion of Nigeria’s secular balance. But by 2022, he urged Muslims in Kaduna to vote strictly along religious lines, reinforcing the image of a man willing to bend principle for political context.
Last Line
Across two decades, El-Rufai has moved from condemning Buhari to defending him, from praising Jonathan to deriding him, from mocking Tinubu’s godfatherism to embracing it, and most recently from dismissing Atiku to extolling him.
His admirers see pragmatism, a willingness to adapt as circumstances change. His critics see sheer opportunism, a politician whose principles shift with his fortunes.
What is clear is that El-Rufai, contradictions and all, has ensured his place at the center of Nigeria’s political drama. Whether as loyalist, critic, or defector, his words — and the storms they ignite — continue to shape the national conversation.
