DSS and the Burden of “Thought Policing” in an Age of Terror
By Kabir Abdulsalam,
A few weeks ago, I wrote about how activist Omoyele Sowore found himself in a peculiar battle with the Department of State Services, DSS. His comments about President Bola Tinubu online triggered a swift response: the Service demanded that he delete the posts and even write to X and Facebook to have them erased. To cap it all, the DSS filed legal action against him and the platforms.
That episode, almost comical in its irony, reminded us of the paradox of Nigeria’s secret police: bold in its reach, yet sometimes clumsy in its restraint. But stepping back from such spectacles, it is impossible to ignore that the Service has in the past year recorded some of its most remarkable operational gains in recent memory.
Since the appointment of Mr. Adeola Oluwatosin Ajayi as Director General, the DSS has demonstrated unusual vigour, delivering results that have earned praise both at home and abroad.
Its most celebrated successes lie in counter-terrorism. Within months of the leadership change, operatives captured some of Nigeria’s most wanted terror kingpins. Among them were Abubakar Abba, leader of the dreaded Mahmuda group; Mahmud Muhammad Usman, alias Abu Bara’a, the self-proclaimed Emir of Ansaru; and Mahmud al-Nigeri, better known as Mallam Mamuda, who served as his Chief of Staff.
For years these figures had evaded capture, orchestrating violence across states. Their arrests marked a turning point. The U.S. Embassy in Nigeria described the operations as “a major step” in the fight against terrorism and extremism, while domestic applause came from governors, civil society groups, and ordinary citizens who had long demanded results.
But the DSS has not confined itself to the battlefield. In Abuja, it broke a syndicate of hackers who infiltrated JAMB’s servers, inflating scores for candidates who paid between ₦700,000 and ₦2 million. Twenty suspects were arrested, their confessions revealing an elaborate scheme to discredit CBT examinations and undermine Nigeria’s education system. That a security agency could pierce cybercrime syndicates with the same dexterity it uses against terror groups speaks to its widening scope.
In Sokoto, during the screening of intending Muslim pilgrims, DSS operatives arrested Sani Galadi, a notorious bandit and kidnapper. A day later, another suspect, Yahaya Zango, was nabbed at the hajj camp in Abuja. Both men were linked to multiple abductions across the North. These arrests struck a chord, not only for their daring but also for the symbolism: criminals who thought religious rites offered sanctuary discovered otherwise.
In Taraba, the Service tracked and apprehended a high-profile gunrunner. In Lagos and Asaba, it arrested a British Army major of Nigerian descent and his accomplices, foiling their attempt to smuggle in more than 50 AK-47 rifles, six pump-action shotguns, and over 3,000 rounds of ammunition. Such interdictions cut off supply chains that fuel insecurity and demonstrate the reach of intelligence beyond Nigeria’s borders.
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Kaduna has become another theatre of achievement. In just one quarter, DSS operatives, in conjunction with the Army, carried out 34 successful operations. They arrested 54 suspects, including rogue security operatives, recovered a cache of arms ranging from RPGs to GPMGs, and rescued 79 kidnapped victims. Governor Uba Sani praised the Service for helping to stabilise the state. Niger State’s Governor Mohammed Bago also extended commendation after the capture of key terror figures.
There is also Osun, where undercover agents dismantled an ISWAP cell after a 90-day surveillance operation. The suspects were caught while undergoing bomb-making training, and the meticulousness of the operation underscored the DSS’s capacity for patience, precision, and stealth. In Enugu, five kidnappers were quietly arrested, their confessions linking them to ransom-taking gangs that had terrorised Udi and its environs. Each of these actions may not grab front-page headlines like the arrest of terror kingpins, but together they demonstrate sustained pressure on criminal networks nationwide.
Civil society organisations have not been left out in acknowledging these gains. Groups like MURIC and the Northern Ethnic Youth Assembly have publicly applauded the Service’s renewed effectiveness. In a climate where security agencies often attract suspicion, such endorsements reflect a rare alignment of state action and public sentiment. Even foreign partners have recognised the improved coordination of Nigeria’s intelligence community, particularly under the guidance of the National Security Adviser, Nuhu Ribadu.
These operational gains are not mere statistics; they carry tangible benefits. Each terrorist kingpin in custody is one less network commanding violence. Each gunrunner intercepted means fewer rifles flooding fragile communities. Each rescued victim is a family restored. Each cybercrime syndicate dismantled restores faith in national institutions. In a country where insecurity has long sapped confidence, these actions give citizens and the state alike a sense of agency and hope.
For decades, the DSS has lived under the shadow of its own contradictions—feared more for its political policing than respected for its security work. In the past year, however, it has shifted the narrative by stacking up verifiable gains. Nigerians who once saw the Service mainly in court cases against activists are now also seeing it in press releases announcing foiled plots, seized weapons, and freed hostages. This change, though incomplete, is significant.
The task ahead is to consolidate. Operational energy must be sustained, intelligence networks must be expanded, and coordination with other agencies must be deepened. More importantly, the Service must continue to prioritise operations that protect the state and the people over those that merely protect incumbents. If it does so, it will move from being an agency that inspires fear to one that commands respect.
The DSS, in its current season, has shown that it can deliver. It has reminded the country that Nigeria’s secret police, when focused, is capable of dramatic victories. It now stands at a crossroads: either to let these gains be diluted by old habits, or to build a reputation anchored on professionalism, results, and public trust. The opportunity is there, and the gains so far are proof that it can be seized.
Kabir writes from Abuja and can be reached via [email protected].
