2027: Inside Tinubu’s “Maradonic” Plot to Drop Shettima as VP By Kabir Akintayo
For every rumour, there is often a speck of truth. Over time, unverified claims have swirled that Vice President Kashim Shettima’s role in this administration has been reduced to a ceremonial presence.
While his media team has repeatedly debunked such reports, the old adage lingers: there is no smoke without fire. Shettima may not have voiced any grievances, but even his harshest critics can read the signs.
A key indicator is President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s consistent refusal to transfer power to Shettima while travelling abroad — a clear departure from the Buhari-Osinbajo era, where Osinbajo was not only made Acting President but also took decisive actions, including the controversial removal of DSS Director-General, Lawal Daura.
Today, Shettima has no prominent policy portfolio. Beyond ceremonial appearances, sources within the Presidency hint at operational and financial constraints in the Vice President’s office — yet another pointer to deliberate sidelining.
What once appeared to be a quiet demotion is now morphing into a calculated political strategy to possibly edge him out of the 2027 ticket. Already, resistance is bubbling from his home base in the North-East.
Borno State Governor, Prof. Babagana Zulum, has raised concerns, echoing the sentiments of many Northerners who see Shettima’s possible replacement as a red flag.
Over the weekend, tempers flared at the APC North-East Stakeholders Forum in Gombe, when the party’s Vice Chairman for the region, Salihu Mustapha, endorsed President Tinubu for 2027 — without mentioning Shettima.
The backlash was swift. Delegates erupted in anger, forcing security operatives to evacuate Mustapha from the venue. To douse the tension, the APC Deputy National Chairman (North), Bukar Dalori, stepped in, offering a joint endorsement of both Tinubu and Shettima.
But the damage was done. During the APC National Summit at the Presidential Villa last month, Shettima’s name was again conspicuously absent from public endorsements.
His image is also missing on many of the new 2027 campaign posters. The message? His place on the ticket is no longer guaranteed.
Who Could Replace Shettima?
There are whispers that Tinubu may choose a new running mate for 2027 — a decision not driven by Shettima’s performance but by political calculus. Some of the names being floated include:
Yakubu Dogara: The former Speaker, a Northern Christian, could be Tinubu’s bid to correct the Muslim-Muslim ticket backlash. But in a region where religion still sways the ballot, Dogara may not deliver the numbers needed from the Muslim North.
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Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso: Kwankwaso is a political colossus in Kano and across the North-West. But aligning with him could fracture the APC. His rivalry with National Chairman Abdullahi Ganduje and his ideological mismatch with the APC make this pairing risky and unstable.
Babagana Zulum: Zulum’s record of good governance and public admiration make him a natural contender. But his loyalty to Shettima, and his commitment to complete his second term as governor, may keep him out of the running — at least for now.
Why Shettima Still Matters
Shettima’s selection as Tinubu’s running mate in 2023 was no accident. He brought electoral value, strategic northern influence, and the maturity to manage the ticket’s religious controversy. His contribution cannot be overstated.
Political Mobilisation in the North-East: Shettima helped neutralise the PDP and NNPP in the region. His influence delivered Borno and neighbouring states to the APC, giving Tinubu a crucial edge.
Religious and Regional Balance: In the face of criticism over the Muslim-Muslim ticket, Shettima’s calm persona and intellectual credibility offered reassurance to the North and muted southern anxieties.
National Economic Council (NEC) Leadership: Though he leads the NEC, Shettima has operated under limited visibility, with some key decisions — such as the controversial Tax Reform Bill — clashing with Tinubu’s positions. Yet, his administrative competence has remained evident.
Loyalty and Discretion: Shettima has been nothing short of loyal — during the campaign and in governance. Even in the face of marginalisation, he has shown restraint, patience, and loyalty.
But politics is rarely about merit. The bigger play appears to be 2031. Within the Tinubu camp, some are already plotting for a Northern presidency — with or without Shettima. Pushing him out in 2027 may be the first step toward sidelining him permanently.
Tinubu’s own political history lends credence to this. As Lagos Governor, he changed deputies thrice:
– Kofoworola Bucknor (1999–2002): Resigned over alleged marginalisation.
– Femi Pedro (2003–2007): Fell out with Tinubu due to succession ambitions.
– Abiodun Ogunleye (2007): Served briefly without friction.
This suggests a pattern: Tinubu does not keep ambitious deputies for long — especially those whose profiles rise too quickly.
Last Line
Vice President Shettima remains one of the most competent, loyal, and politically strategic figures in this administration.
Discarding him would not only send the wrong message but also risk destabilising the APC’s northern base — especially the North-East that delivered heavily in 2023.
If Tinubu values continuity, loyalty, and regional stability, Shettima should remain on the ticket. The alternative may be politically costly.
Indeed, if not Shettima — then who? And at what price?
